WASHINGTON — Is a family with a car in the driveway, a flat-screen television and a computer with an Internet connection poor?
Americans
— even many of the poorest — enjoy a level of material abundance
unthinkable just a generation or two ago. That indisputable economic
fact has become a subject of bitter political debate this year, half a
century after President Lyndon B. Johnson declared a war on poverty.
Starkly
different views on poverty and inequality rose to the fore again on
Wednesday as Democrats in the Senate were unable to muster the
supermajority of 60 votes needed to overcome a Republican filibuster of a
proposal to raise the incomes of the working poor by lifting the
national minimum wage to $10.10 an hour.
House
Republicans, led by Representative Paul D. Ryan of Wisconsin, have
convened a series of hearings on poverty, including one on Wednesday, in
some cases arguing that hundreds of billions of dollars of government
spending a year may have made poverty easier or more comfortable but has
done little to significantly limit its reach.
Indeed,
despite improved living standards, the poor have fallen further behind
the middle class and the affluent in both income and consumption. The
same global economic trends that have helped drive down the price of
most goods also have limited the well-paying industrial jobs once
available to a huge swath of working Americans. And the cost of many
services crucial to escaping poverty — including education, health care
and child care — has soared.
“Without
a doubt, the poor are far better off than they were at the dawn of the
War on Poverty,” said James Ziliak, director of the University of
Kentucky’s Center for Poverty Research. “But they have also drifted
further away.”
Democrats
have generally argued that addressing this disjunction requires
providing more support for the poor, raising the minimum wage, extending
unemployment insurance benefits and making health care more affordable
by expanding the reach of Medicaid and subsidizing private insurance for
those who lack employer coverage.
Republicans,
by contrast, have proposed reducing government regulations and
overhauling existing programs to encourage more work, arguing that would
allow Washington to decrease spending on the poor.
“The
question isn’t whether the federal government should help; the question
is how,” Mr. Ryan said at the hearing on Wednesday. “How do we make
sure that every single taxpayer dollar we spend to reduce poverty is
actually working?”
For
many working poor families, the most apt description of their finances
and lifestyle might be fragile. Even with a steady paycheck, keeping the
bills paid becomes a high-wire act and saving an impossibility.
Tammie
Hagen-Noey, a 49-year-old living in Richmond, Va., tapped at an iPhone
as she sat on the porch of the group home where she lives — its
proprietor is a friend of her daughter’s. She earns $7.25 an hour at a
local McDonald’s, and makes a little extra money on the side from
planting small plots of land for neighbors who want to garden.
Ms.
Hagen-Noey is trying to rebuild her finances, which have been decimated
by divorce, government liens and addiction. At the top of her list of
priorities is finding better-paid work. She produced a paycheck that
showed her earnings so far this year: $2,938.51.
“It’s
impossible,” she said. “Every cent of that goes towards what I need.” A
few months ago, she sold her car for $500 to make rent.
Two
broad trends account for much of the change in poor families’
consumption over the past generation: federal programs and falling
prices.
Since
the 1960s, both Republican and Democratic administrations have expanded
programs like food stamps and the earned-income tax credit. In 1967,
government programs reduced one major poverty rate by about 1 percentage
point. In 2012, they reduced the rate by nearly 13 percentage points.
As
a result, the differences in what poor and middle-class families
consume on a day-to-day basis are much smaller than the differences in
what they earn.
“There’s
just a whole lot more assistance per low-income person than there ever
has been,” said Robert Rector, a senior research fellow at the
conservative Heritage Foundation. “That is propping up the living
standards to a considerable degree,” he said, citing a number of
statistics on housing, nutrition and other categories.
Decades
of economic growth, however, have been less successful in raising the
incomes from work of many poor families, prompting a strong conservative
critique this year that hundreds of billions of dollars in antipoverty
programs have failed to make the poor less dependent on government.
“That’s the crux of the problem,” Mr. Rector added. “What sort of progress is that?”
But
another form of progress has led to what some economists call the
“Walmart effect”: falling prices for a huge array of manufactured goods.
Since
the 1980s, for instance, the real price of a midrange color television
has plummeted about tenfold, and televisions today are crisper, bigger,
lighter and often Internet-connected. Similarly, the effective price of
clothing, bicycles, small appliances, processed foods — virtually
anything produced in a factory — has followed a downward trajectory. The
result is that Americans can buy much more stuff at bargain prices.
Many
crucial services, though, remain out of reach for poor families. The
costs of a college education and health care have soared. Ms.
Hagen-Noey, for instance, does not treat her hepatitis and other medical
problems, as she does not qualify for Medicaid and cannot pay for her
own insurance or care.
Child
care also remains only a small sliver of the consumption of poor
families because it is simply too expensive. In many cases, it depresses
the earnings of women who have no choice but to give up hours working
to stay at home.
“The
average annual cost for infant care in the U.S. is $6,000 or $7,000 a
year,” said Professor Ziliak of the University of Kentucky. “When you
look at the average income of many single mothers, that is going to end
up being a quarter of it. That’s huge. That is just out of reach for
many folks.”
Tiffany
Beroid, a 29-year-old mother who works at a Walmart in Laurel, Md.,
said she works part time, rather than full time, because she and her
husband could not otherwise afford child care. Their incomes already
suffered when her doctors told her to stay off her feet during the late
stages of her pregnancy, and she said Walmart would not accommodate her
with a desk job.
“Child
care was costing probably $350 a week,” said Ms. Beroid, who makes
$10.70 an hour. “I would love to be in full-time work, if I could make
enough to cover child care payments.”
And
many poor families barely make it from paycheck to paycheck. For
evidence, economists point to the fact that children living in families
with food stamps eat more calories at the beginning of the month than
the end of it.
Economists
pointed out that many low-income families struggled to use even the
assets they had: keeping gas in the car, paying for cable and keeping
the electricity on. Many families rely on expensive credit. And even if
those families sold their assets, often it would only provide them with a
small buffer, too.
Anthony Goytia, who works the night shift at a Walmart in Southern California, is reliant on payday loans to pay his bills.
“Some
of our bills come in at the middle of the month,” said Mr. Goytia, a
father of four who makes about $16,000 a year. “Then we’ve got to pay
our rent by the first, and when we don’t have the money, we have to take
out a payday loan.”
Bobby
Bingham, 38, of Kansas City, Mo., works three part-time jobs seven days
a week to make ends meet, but struggles to cover basic living expenses:
his apartment, his car, his car insurance, gas and utilities. He is
also heavily in debt, owing $30,000 in student loans and about $12,000
in credit-card debt with an annual interest rate of 17 percent.
“It’s
hard on my psyche,” he said. “There’s no break. There’s no time to
breathe. I always have to think about the next step just to survive.
It’s not like I can look forward and plan, because I’m just trying to
think about tomorrow.”
In
the end, many mainstream economists argue, the lives of the poor must
be looked at in light of the nation’s overall wealth and economic
advancement.
“If
you handpick services and goods where there has been dramatic
technological progress, then the fact that poor people can consume these
items in 2014 and even rich people couldn’t consume them in 1954 is
hardly a meaningful distinction,” said Gary Burtless, an economist at
the Brookings Institution. “That’s not telling you who is rich and who
is poor, not in the way that Adam Smith and most everyone else since him
thinks about poverty.”
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